Iraqi Army after US-led Coalition withdrawal: Can Baghdad achieve full military sovereignty?
Shafaq News
The Iraqi Armed Forces face significant responsibility in securing the country’s borders and protecting the state from internal and external threats following the withdrawal of Global Coalition forces from Iraq. This transition represents an opportunity to demonstrate the Iraqi Army’s ability to assume full responsibility without relying on external support, while focusing on building a professional national army trained and equipped with the latest weapons and military technologies.
The history of the Iraqi Army spans more than a century, during which it was, for decades, among the most prominent armies in the region and the world. It fought internal and external battles, from the harsh war with Iran and the invasion of Kuwait to confronting the US invasion and later battling ISIS.
Professionalism Under Pressure
The spokesperson for the Commander-in-Chief of the Iraqi Armed Forces, Sabah Al-Numan, affirmed that Iraq is moving steadily toward building “a professional military system based on accumulated field experience from battles resolved in favor of the state,” noting that this vision “is grounded in a unified national doctrine and exclusive loyalty to the state and constitution.”
Regarding armament, Al-Numan told Shafaq News that the Iraqi Army also seeks to achieve technical self-sufficiency by reviving domestic military manufacturing and localizing military technology, while developing air power, preparing for cyber warfare, and utilizing the army’s expertise in urban warfare and combating terrorist groups, “to become among the leading armies in the region in terms of equipment and manpower.”
There remains, however, a path full of obstacles to strengthening the Iraqi Army. Although Iraq’s 2008 Strategic Framework Agreement with the United States established a formal security partnership —centered on training, equipping, and supporting Iraqi Security Forces— it fell short of addressing the country’s full military and security requirements. The gap became more apparent as Washington attached complex conditions to arms deals with Baghdad, limiting Iraq’s ability to procure and deploy critical capabilities.
To be sure, US support did not disappear. Between 2015 and 2024, Washington has provided Iraq with $1.25 billion in Foreign Military Financing to bolster its security forces, logistics, and counterterrorism efforts, in addition to more than $590 million allocated to weapons destruction programs. Yet this assistance, while significant, focused largely on stabilization and counterterrorism rather than on building a fully autonomous, strategically equipped army capable of regional deterrence.
Compounding the challenge, the United States faced pressure from regional allies, including Israel and several Gulf states, which opposed supplying Iraq with advanced weaponry that could shift the regional balance of power. These governments feared that expanding Iraq’s military capacity might indirectly strengthen Iran’s influence. As a result, Iraq endured prolonged security vulnerabilities —not only in negotiating arms contracts with Washington, but also in fully operating and deploying certain advanced weapons systems and equipment.
During the 1980s, the Iraqi Army ranked among the world’s strongest forces at the height of the war with Iran. That institutional power collapsed after the 2003 US invasion, when the head of the US-led Coalition Provisional Authority, Paul Bremer, issued a decision dissolving the force, forcing Iraq to rebuild its military from scratch.
Over decades, the army had fought regional wars —including in 1948 following the declaration of “the State of Israel” in Palestine and the October 1973 war between Syria, Egypt, and Israel— and suppressed internal uprisings, most notably in the Kurdistan Region, which extended over many years, shaping both its operational doctrine and its political entanglements.
Today, Iraq ranks sixth in the Middle East according to the 2026 Global Firepower Index, but restoring strategic autonomy requires more than ranking positions; it demands functional independence.
Reform, Leadership, and Structural Weaknesses
The new Iraqi Army established after 2003 adopted a voluntary recruitment approach to build a professional military institution whose members choose military life willingly. However, one of the weaknesses negatively affecting the army’s efficiency, according to experts who spoke to Shafaq News, lies in “integration officers,” individuals affiliated with political entities who were incorporated into the army after the change of regime.
Military expert Alaa Al-Nashou believes that establishing a professional national army requires substantial resources, beginning with the formation of military schools, institutes, and academies to train officers and fighters, and extending to preparing divisions and corps capable of leading operations domestically and externally.
Al-Nashou told Shafaq News that preparing a professional soldier is not limited to physical training alone but includes physical and psychological preparation and tactical maneuvers enabling him to handle all military scenarios, from offensive and defensive operations to retreat combat. He stressed the need to establish mechanisms to ensure professionalism within the army, “most notably distancing the military institution from partisan and political conflicts, combating corruption and favoritism within it, and removing unqualified officers and ranks, especially integration officers.”
“Iraq needs to grant military formations direct authority to confront any border threat without interference from “armed factions,” he added, calling for the establishment of a military council composed of former commanders and officers to supervise the development of combat, organizational, and morale capabilities, in addition to sending military personnel to training courses both inside Iraq and abroad, particularly in countries with advanced military expertise such as the United States, Europe, and Russia.
Read more: US strategy 2026: Containment or military strike for Iraqi armed factions
Air Defense Gaps and the Sovereignty Question
The two experts agree that developing air power has become a decisive element in protecting Iraq. Between August 2024 and October 2025, the Iraqi Army received 15 US-made Bell 505 training aircraft, along with French Caracal helicopters designated for search and rescue, air transport, and ground support missions.
They noted that these aircraft represent a qualitative leap in military training and pilot qualification, while also contributing to providing fire support for ground forces and enhancing their flexibility. Iraq is also preparing to receive the South Korean M-SAM air defense system during the current month of February to ensure border protection from any potential airspace violations.
However, this is not sufficient, according to many experts who spoke to our agency. Iraq currently lacks comprehensive air defense weapons, advanced missile systems, early warning and air surveillance systems, and ground-based air defense capabilities, which are all crucial military capacities to address external threats. The Iraqi military institution also requires greater functional integration at the operational level. This shortcoming was evident in recent regional wars, where Iraq was unable to enforce its political position prohibiting the use of its airspace for attacks on Iran, a situation that could recur if a new round of US-Israeli confrontation with Tehran erupts.
Military expert Adnan Al-Kinani affirmed that Iraq now possesses advanced air capabilities, including fighter aircraft, drones, short, medium, and long-range ballistic missiles, and air defense systems to protect borders from violations, adding that Iraq has domestic military manufacturing to supply weapons and equipment in the event of aggression or import difficulties, diversified ground forces including special forces, infantry, mechanized infantry, armor, and artillery, as well as electronic warfare capabilities to counter modern threats.
He also stressed the importance of qualified national leadership to guide training, oversee armament, and execute operations, warning that “the presence of unqualified leaders poses a threat to the army’s ability to protect the state.”
There appears to be an urgent need to establish an Iraqi national security strategy that takes into account Iraq’s security requirements in the coming phase. The threat of ISIS remains present, while Israeli military dominance in the region, including its use of Iraqi airspace, raises alarm. The military advancements achieved by neighboring countries such as Turkiye, Iran, and Saudi Arabia necessitate rapid military development to safeguard Iraq’s political position.
This Iraqi reality and need are not hidden from Washington. However, the major challenge lies in convincing it to assist in meeting these needs and strengthening Iraq’s military structure amid US constraints and reservations, which are unlikely to retreat from ensuring Israel’s dominance on one hand and weakening Tehran and its allies on the other, a dilemma that continues to exhaust Iraq and its attempts to advance on multiple levels.
Written and edited by Shafaq News staff.
